{"id":57830,"date":"2021-08-06T12:24:38","date_gmt":"2021-08-06T11:24:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/emafrie.de\/?p=7152"},"modified":"2021-08-06T12:24:38","modified_gmt":"2021-08-06T11:24:38","slug":"stolen-time","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/2021\/08\/stolen-time\/","title":{"rendered":"Stolen Time"},"content":{"rendered":"

Why Capitalism Forces Us to Do Without and Why We Could Work Less<\/strong><\/h4>\n<\/p>\n

By Lothar Galow-Bergemann and Ernst Lohoff<\/em><\/p>\n

Excerpt from a text in the book Shutdown. Klima, Corona und der notwendige Ausstieg aus dem Kapitalismus<\/a> ISBN 978-3-89771-292-8, Unrast Verlag, 14,00 \u20ac<\/p>\n

deutsche Version<\/a><\/p>\n

The world as we know it is disintegrating at a rapid pace. For years, the word crisis<\/em>
\n has taken on a life of its own \u2013 regardless of whether it is a matter
\nof climate, finance, economics, social systems, democracy, migration, or
\n international relations. In the critical social sciences, people talk
\nof an age of \u201emultiple crises\u201c (Brandt\/Wissen 2017). With the spread of
\nthe corona virus, this general crisis has come to a head at a speed and
\nscale that hardly anyone could have previously imagined.<\/p>\n

The corona and climate crises
\ndemonstrate how \u201aour economy\u2018 is failing to meet the existential
\nchallenges of the time. Eternal growth, maximum profit, and rising share
\n prices are the lifeblood of the economy. Without them, it immediately
\nbegins to crumble. The climate crisis reveals that growth programmed for
\n infinity will amount to the destruction of the planet in the medium
\nrather than the long term. The challenge posed by the corona pandemic,
\non the other hand, has abruptly demonstrated that such an economy can
\nproduce mountains of corpses in a very short time1<\/sup><\/a>
\n if it is not subjected to massive intervention. At first, many
\ncountries tried to rein in the market economy to varying degrees and, on
\n the whole, not very successfully. Incidentally, in doing so, they did a
\n remarkable job, in the blink of an eye, of reducing to absurdity much
\nof what had previously been considered irrevocable and sacred \u2013 from the
\n \u201cdebt brake\u201d to faith in the supposedly beneficial effects of the
\nmarket itself. For a brief moment, it became clear that acting against
\nthe economic logic of capital is not only possible, but also necessary
\nfor survival. This is an important experience that should be sustained,
\nbecause it is highly valuable for any emancipatory movement.<\/p>\n

But it did not take long for the brutal constraints of capital exploitation to gain more and more ground against the lukewarm health policy measures. <\/span> Just a few days into a shutdown that was only half-hearted from the start, voices that wanted to start up the economy again, come hell or high water, grew louder and louder. In Germany, Alexander Dibelius, an investment banker and doctor (!) who defended the murderous consequences of economic logic with shameless candor, set the tone, asking \u201eIs it fair that ten percent of the \u2013 really threatened \u2013 population should be protected, while the vast majority and the entire national economy are extremely handicapped, with the possibly dramatic consequence that the basis of our general prosperity will be massively and lastingly eroded?\u201c (Handelsblatt<\/em>, March 23, 2020).<\/p>\n

Consequently, he downplayed the threat
\nof a pandemic, which is causing extremely serious health damage and many
\n fatalities around the world, as \u201ea wave of influenza,\u201c which is \u201enot as
\n fatal for mankind as the plague in the Middle Ages or similar
\nepidemics\u201c (ibid.). This investment banker\u2019s way of thinking, which gave
\n the doctor in him no chance, soon set the tone. A whole chorus of exit
\npushers from business and politics soon sang the same tune. It became
\nall the more popular due to the fact that it quickly proved enormously
\nadaptable to the \u201cthird position\u201d or Querfront<\/em>
\n of united political insanity, as soon became manifest in the so-called
\ncorona demonstrations. \u201eBetter people die than the economy collapses\u201c
\nwas the message that was expressed sometimes more, sometimes less
\nopenly. In principle, this is what it always came down to, regardless of
\n whether it was a cynical US president categorically ruling out a
\nfurther lockdown in the event of a second pandemic wave (zdf.de, May 22,
\n 2020) \u2013 even as the number of officially registered corona deaths in
\nhis country was approaching the 100,000 mark \u2013 or a German parliamentary
\n president mumbling pseudo-philosophy and saying that one could not
\n\u201esubordinate everything to the protection of life\u201c (Der<\/em>Tagesspiegel<\/em>,
\n April 26, 2020) and a southern German mayor saying that, in any case,
\nit was only about \u201epeople who would be dead in half a year anyway\u201c (Der<\/em>Tagesspiegel<\/em>, April 28, 2020). Where ethics has to follow economics, sooner or later all dams of humanity break.<\/p>\n

In Germany, too, state measures have
\nbeen inconsistent and contradictory from the start. Even at the time of
\nthe relatively strongest restrictions, 60 percent of all employees had
\nto continue working on-site (Welt online<\/em>, April 2, 2020) and were
\n allowed to spread the virus for the benefit of the economy. In Germany,
\n the people who died from corona would have had an average of nine years
\n left to live (tagesschau.de, May 8, 2020). Not to mention all the
\npeople in the Global South whose infection was neither detected nor
\ntreated and who died from it without the world taking much notice.
\nPoverty and hunger increased worldwide. For many people, the choice
\nbetween plague and cholera came down to this: \u201ewe would rather die of
\nthe virus than starve to death\u201c (Der<\/em>Tagesspiegel<\/em>,
\n June 4, 2020). An economy that proved extremely susceptible to
\ndisruption and crisis in the face of a pandemic stole and continues to
\nsteal the lives and health of many people worldwide.<\/p>\n

But all this marked only the beginning
\nof the dislocations. Almost all economists expected a severe global
\neconomic crisis in the wake of the corona crisis. Last spring, chief
\ncommentator for Die Welt<\/em> Jaques Schuster wrote that it was not
\nyet clear \u201ewhether the consequences of the pandemic \u2026 will only plunge
\nEurope into a severe recession or into a deep depression with national
\nbankruptcies and the return of the horde as a political entity, as we
\nknow it from the interwar period\u201c (Die Welt<\/em>, May 23, 2020).<\/p>\n

Today, even capitalism\u2019s most notorious
\nfans don\u2019t deny its colossal crisis potential. States and central banks
\nhad absolutely no choice but to generate trillions in bailout packages
\naround the globe in the blink of an eye, far eclipsing anything that had
\n been seen before in \u201amoney creation\u2018 \u2013 even in the financial crisis of
\n2008\/2009 and the years that followed. \u201aSolid\u2018 coverage of government
\nspending programs became more distant than ever. As early as spring, for
\n example, the European Commission said that it would not pay off the
\nbonds it had to borrow on the financial markets for this purpose until
\n2058 (FAZ<\/em>, May 27, 2020). The state of North Rhine-Westphalia is already planning for the year 2070 (Der<\/em>Tagesspiegel<\/em>,
\n March 25, 2020). Mind you, this is not a matter of the mountains of
\ndebt that had previously accumulated, but rather only those that have
\nnow been saddled on top of that. Do the players themselves still believe
\n that the exploding national debt can be repaid? Probably not.
\nEspecially since, as sure as night follows day, further serious crises
\nwill follow in the next few decades, which will of course make gigantic
\ngovernment rescue packages necessary once again.<\/p>\n

Capitalism confronted with the corona
\nvirus punishes people threefold: first, with far greater damage to life
\nand health than would be caused by a new epidemic in a reasonably
\nstructured economy; second, with declining living standards for many \u2013
\neven to the point of increased poverty and hunger; and third, with the
\nprospect of a future of even more economic and political crises. It
\ndoesn\u2019t take any great expertise to see what would happen under
\ncapitalist rule if the virus were to prove to be particularly persistent
\n and mutative or if no vaccine was found for a long time. One does not
\neven want to think about the occurrence of a completely new pandemic,
\nwhich could possibly have a significantly higher mortality rate than
\nCOVID-19. When an economic system staggers so badly in the face of a
\nchallenge that could recur at any time, literally ruining many people
\nwith it, turning away from it proves to be a matter of bare survival.<\/p>\n

Compared to the life-threatening
\npotential of the climate crisis, however, the corona pandemic still
\nlooks rather modest. Global warming is leading to a dystopian future of
\nrising sea levels, floods, heavy rains, droughts, heat records, and
\nstorms in increasingly rapid succession. All the assurances that this
\nprocess can be fought with \u201amarket-based tools\u2018 are about as convincing
\nas trying to put out a burning house with gasoline. The sustainability
\ndiscourse is not as new as it still seems to some. In fact, it is quite
\nold hat. Internationally, it has been going on at least since the Club
\nof Rome\u2019s report on the limits to growth in 1972 (Dennis Meadows, et
\nal.). The fact that we find ourselves on the road to a climate
\ncatastrophe half a century later, despite countless conferences,
\nresolutions, and declarations on sustainability, points to the
\nfundamental ecological incompetence of the capitalist economic system.
\nFinally, when the president of the European Commission, while announcing
\n her \u201aclimate package\u2018 47 years after 1972, declared that climate
\nprotection must become, of all things, the engine of growth (Deutschlandfunk<\/em>, 30.11.2019), this says everything about the prospects for the global climate under capitalist conditions.<\/p>\n

Even if a miracle were to happen and, despite economic growth, CO2<\/sub>
\n emissions were to decline decisively thanks to the accelerated
\nexpansion of wind power and solar energy and the transition to
\nelectromobility, little would be gained. That\u2019s because the climate
\ncrisis is only one aspect of a comprehensive resource and biosphere
\ncrisis and as long as the growth imperative remains untouched, a
\nreduction in greenhouse gas emissions will only ever be bought with
\nintensified over-exploitation of other, non-fossil natural resources.2<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

The lockdown in spring 2020 demonstrated
\n in its own way that the growth imperative must be eliminated if the
\nprocess of global warming is to be brought under control. No sooner had
\nthe growth engine been throttled due to the pandemic than significant
\npositive ecological effects suddenly became apparent. This applied, for
\nexample, to air and water quality. Satellite images from NASA showed a
\nsignificant decrease in nitrogen oxide and particulate matter emissions
\n(Wissenschaft.de, March 19, 2020). What politicians have been unable to
\naccomplish for decades, the fight against the virus accomplished in no
\ntime at all. To the extent that the lockdown ended, of course, all these
\n positive phenomena immediately came to an end again.<\/p>\n

The short-term ecological collateral
\nbenefit of the lockdown convincingly demonstrated that the
\nreconciliation of economy and ecology cannot be achieved without freeing
\n wealth production from the compulsion to grow. But wealth production,
\nin turn, cannot be liberated from the growth constraint without a
\nredefinition of what social wealth is supposed to be in the first place.
\n For if we say that someone is rich and, in saying so, mean that he
\npossesses a lot of money or capital, we merely reproduce a very specific
\n concept of wealth \u2013 the capitalist one. But what people really need to
\nlive is material wealth such as food, clothing, housing, education,
\nknowledge, health, culture, and so on. The fact that, for example,
\nsupplying a society with food today depends on, among other things, the
\nchemical and automobile industries remaining \u201aprofitable\u2018 \u2013 because only
\n then can there be \u201ajobs\u2018 and \u201apurchasing power\u2018 \u2013 has no material
\njustification whatsoever, but is due solely to the abstract production
\nof wealth under capitalism.3<\/sup><\/a>
\n The transition to a new concept of wealth begins in the head, although a
\n change of the concept of wealth is, admittedly, not enough. For social
\nrelations to take on sensual reason, it is essential to strip social
\nwealth of its capitalist form. Society must move from producing
\ncommodities to producing simple goods. We need production which, unlike
\nthe production of commodities, serves no other purpose than that of
\nsatisfying human needs. The dissolution of society into separate private
\n producers and the domination of abstract wealth, which must be
\nrepresented in money, must be overcome.<\/p>\n

This perspective seems strange at first.
\n That is not least because, as a social goal, it propagates a state of
\naffairs which, according to the prevailing doctrine, has always existed.
\n If one follows the official reading, the production of goods and
\ncommodities are fundamentally one and the same and the sensual needs of
\npeople are the alpha and omega of all economic activity, even in
\ncapitalist society. According to the Duden dictionary, which adheres to the definitions in the economics textbooks, an economic good<\/em> is a \u201egood that serves to satisfy human needs\u201d and the word economy<\/em>
\n supposedly refers to the \u201etotality of institutions and measures that
\nrelate to the production and consumption of economic goods.\u201c4<\/sup><\/a>
\n From this perspective, the fact that wealth is measured and represented
\n in monetary terms appears to be a purely technical matter.<\/p>\n

Karl Marx, in his 19th century Critique of Political Economy<\/em>,
\n explained why this understanding is misleading and to what extent
\ncommodity market goods are part of social wealth. It is not because of
\ntheir use value that skirts, canvas, cars, and the like embody social
\nwealth. They only do so insofar as they represent exchange value and
\nthus abstract wealth. Its permanent increase, the self-purposeful
\nprocess of transforming money into more money, forms the actual content
\nof all economics in the commodity-producing society.<\/p>\n

If proof were needed that the official
\ndoctrine does not do justice to capitalist reality, the corona pandemic
\nprovides it in the form of the incalculable economic costs and burdens
\nof the shutdown. Let us place ourselves for a moment in a society in
\nwhich the production of wealth really had no other content than to
\nprovide for people and in which exchange value and abstract wealth would
\n play no role. If such a society were forced to undergo a pandemic
\nshutdown of the kind that occurred in the spring of 2020, the
\nconsequences would be extremely limited. As is well known, a virus such
\nas Sars-CoV-2 does not reduce houses to rubble, it does not disable
\ncomputers, nor does it destroy machinery or damage infrastructure. Even
\nin the economic sectors directly affected by the shutdown, the material
\nwealth that already exists remains completely unaffected. If a
\nrestaurant has to close for a few weeks, the kitchen remains cold and
\nthe dining room empty, but neither the buildings nor the furnishings are
\n damaged. And as far as the cook and waiters are concerned, the enforced
\n break does not mean any loss of expertise. From a purely material point
\n of view, Sars-CoV-2 can only result in losses of prosperity in two
\nrespects: first, to protect life, society must mobilize more human and
\nmaterial resources for the medical sector than usual \u2013 resources that
\nare then no longer available for other uses; second, the sectors of the
\neconomy affected by restrictions provide fewer new goods and services
\nthan they would without them. This is, of course, only a temporary
\nphenomenon for the duration of the restrictions.<\/p>\n

As for the loss of material wealth,
\nthere have, of course, been numerous events in history far more drastic
\nthan the corona pandemic. The worst of the 20th century was World War
\nII. Since capitalist society mercilessly translates everything into
\nmonetary terms,5<\/sup><\/a>
\n the lives lost, destruction wrought by war, and productive potential
\nwasted on war purposes also, perversely, add up to a monetary sum.
\nAccording to common estimates by historians, World War II cost the
\nUnited States, the country with by far the largest wartime economy, $4
\ntrillion, or just under \u20ac3.4 trillion in today\u2019s terms.6<\/sup><\/a>
\n This scale is highly revealing in that it provides a standard for
\ncomparing the costs of the corona pandemic. Of course, it is not yet
\npossible to predict how high these will ultimately turn out to be. That
\ndepends not least of all on the further course of the pandemic.
\nAccording to estimates from Deutsche Bank,
\nhowever, the measures in spring 2020 alone could cost the German state
\nup to 1.9 trillion euros, roughly as much as the entire process of
\nreunification.7<\/sup><\/a>
\n Added to this are the European Central Bank\u2019s emergency bond-buying
\nprograms. As early as March, the Frankfurt-based monetary guardians
\nlaunched the PEPP (Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme) in the amount
\nof \u20ac750 billion, which was already increased to \u20ac1.35 trillion in June.8<\/sup><\/a>
\n Compared to the devastation caused by the Second World War, the losses
\nof material wealth in the wake of the corona pandemic are likely to be
\nmeasured in tenths of a percent. The total economic costs, on the other
\nhand, are of a similar order of magnitude. If bourgeois economics were
\nto take its own basic assumptions seriously, it would have to throw its
\nown discipline into the dustbin, given this discrepancy. If money, as is
\n always claimed, were really only a technical means for mediating goods
\nand monetary flows a way for mediating people\u2019s preferred ways of meet
\ntheir needs \u2013 a mere reflection of material flows \u2013 then the immense
\neconomic costs that all economic experts see could not exist at all.<\/p>\n

If, on the other hand, we follow Marx\u2019s
\nlead and take the formation of abstract wealth and its permanent
\nmultiplication as the actual content of the economic activity in
\ncommodity society, then it is no longer puzzling why the capitalist
\neconomy reacts so hypersensitively to the shutdown. Machines can be
\nturned on and off without harm. Humans even require time off in order to
\n able to continue working. By contrast, the social relationship of
\ncapital \u2013 that is, the self-interested process of transforming money
\ninto more money \u2013 simply cannot take a break to pick up where it left
\noff a few weeks later. Any standstill, even a mere slowdown of the
\ncapital cycle, already represents capital destruction and is therefore
\nfatal for \u201aour economy\u2018.<\/p>\n

As far as individual companies are
\nconcerned, this connection jumps immediately to mind. During the
\nshutdown, most operating expenses have continued while revenues have
\ncollapsed. This means a shrinking of the capital stock and, accordingly,
\n a restart will require either sufficient reserves or financing through
\nnew loans. But that\u2019s not all. In addition to commodities for the goods
\nmarket, the world of abstract wealth includes another division, namely
\ngoods traded on the capital markets, such as stocks and bonds. This part
\n of abstract wealth is formed by the upfront transformation of expected
\nreturns into additional social capital (see Lohoff\/Trenkle 2012 as well
\nas Lohoff 2014). Because of its peculiar formation, this fictitious capital<\/em>
\n (Marx) reacts particularly sensitively to a shutdown. When profit
\nexpectations vanish into thin air and companies slide into the red, the
\nprice of their shares does not fare well and the bonds of such companies
\n can also become distressed. There is a threat of mass \u201edevaluation\u201c of
\nfictitious capital (see Lohoff\/Trenkle 2012). Central banks\u2019 excessive
\nmonetary policy is aimed exclusively at banishing this danger, while
\ngovernments primarily create substitutes for devalued functioning
\ncapital with their credit-financed programs.<\/p>\n

The domination of abstract wealth \u2013 the
\norientation of the economy toward the self-interested multiplication of
\nmoney into more money \u2013 makes the economy vulnerable to crisis. This
\npeculiarity is again increased significantly by the dependence of
\ntoday\u2019s capitalism on financial market dynamics. However, the absurd
\nform of wealth called abstract wealth becomes a problem not only with
\nthe staccato of crises of the present era. From the point of view of
\nsensual reason and human needs, even the \u2019normal state\u2018 of capitalism is
\n a scandal. We have always paid for our obedience to the dictatorship of
\n abstract wealth by losing a lot of time and quality of life.
\nNonetheless, we only become aware of this when we have seen through the
\nhistorical peculiarity of this form of wealth and understand that it is
\nneither God\u2019s will nor natural law and, consequently, we can also get
\nrid of it. And not only that: we will in fact have to do so under
\npenalty of our own downfall.<\/p>\n

What do we actually have to work for in
\nthese so-called \u2019normal\u2018 times? How much time in the lives of millions
\nof people must be spent doing things that have nothing at all to do with
\n supplying necessary consumer goods, but rather only with the
\nmaintenance of the commodity-social order? We need only think of the
\nfinancial industry, the banks and insurance companies, generally the
\nentire monetary system. How many human and natural resources are
\nsquandered on taxation, trade, and advertising? How much on labor
\nadministration, justice, police, prisons, armaments, and the military?
\nHow many people work overtime without end, suffer heart attacks and
\nburnout, wear themselves out amid the brutal competition \u2013 just so that
\n\u201atheir\u2018 company can produce more superfluous and harmful cars than the
\n\u201acompetitors,\u2018 who have to vie for the market\u2019s favor in the same way?
\nAnd there, where it should be about the things that are really necessary
\n \u2013 be it food, health care, or education \u2013 how much working time is
\nspent just to make sure that these areas can be at least halfway
\n\u201afinanced\u2018? How many ships and airplanes are built for the sole reason
\nthat the abstract production of wealth demands the eternal race for the
\n\u201acheapest offer,\u2018 even if it is 10,000 km away? How much energy and how
\nmany resources, how much human power and skill do they consume as they
\npermanently circumnavigate the globe in ever increasing numbers and ever
\n tighter cycles? How much material transport and how many human trips,
\nhow many computers, how many office buildings and production facilities
\nserve the sole purpose of driving the production of fast-moving,
\nsuperfluous, and environmentally harmful things to ever new heights
\nbecause it pays off economically \u2013 with the consequence that there will
\nlogically be even more of these material transports, journeys,
\ncomputers, office buildings, and production facilities afterwards? How
\nmany people are involved in the production, trade, and promotion of
\nproducts that break down within a short period of time and have to be
\nreplaced by new, similar ones (Valdivia 2004)?<\/p>\n

Radical reduction of working hours is possible, but not under capitalism \u2026<\/p>\n

\u2026 continue in the book Shutdown. Klima, Corona und der notwendige Ausstieg aus dem Kapitalismus<\/em>. Order at Unrast-Verlag<\/a>.<\/p>\n

1<\/a>
\n In March 2020, for example, a nighttime convoy of military vehicles in
\nBergamo, Italy, removed the bodies of Corona victims because the
\ncemetery there was overcrowded (Der<\/em>Tagesspiegel<\/em>, March 19, 2020); in New York City, bodies were stacked in refrigerated trucks due to a lack of capacity to bury them all (Der<\/em>Tagesspiegel<\/em>, May 1, 2020); and in Ecuador, bodies were simply left lying on streets and in homes (Frankfurter <\/em>Rundschau<\/em>, April 15, 2020).<\/p>\n

2<\/a>
\n \u201aQualitative growth\u2018 is a pipe dream that confuses the shift from
\nconsumption of natural resources to consumption of new resources with
\nits reduction. See the article \u201cWie Sand am Meer\u201d by Ernst Lohoff in this volume.<\/p>\n

3<\/a> On the concept of abstract wealth and the question of its abolition, see also the text \u201cVerdr\u00e4ngte Kosten\u201d by Norbert Trenkle in this volume.<\/p>\n

4<\/a> http:\/\/www.duden.de:<\/a> The relevant German terms are Wirtschaftsgut <\/em>and Wirtschaft<\/em>.<\/p>\n

5<\/a>
\n One cannot translate the colorful variety of qualitatively different
\nconsumer goods into a monetary quantity without abstracting from their
\nmaterial side and treating them as abstract wealth. Bourgeois economics
\ndoes not have a concept of abstract wealth, but it always de facto <\/em>treats material wealth as a representation of abstract wealth.<\/p>\n

6<\/a> https:\/\/www.zeit.de\/news\/2015-05\/08\/geschichte-hintergrund-der-zweite-weltkrieg-in-zahlen-und-fakten-08065612<\/a><\/p>\n

7<\/a> https:\/\/www.faz.net\/aktuell\/wirtschaft\/kosten-der-corona-hilfen-1900-000-000-000-euro-16761836.html<\/a><\/p>\n

8<\/a> https:\/\/www.handelsblatt.com\/finanzen\/geldpolitik\/anleihekaeufe-aufgestockt-ein-krisenprogramm-von-1-35-billionen-euro-die-ezb-geht-in-die-vollen\/25886928.html<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/h3><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Why Capitalism Forces Us to Do Without and Why We Could Work Less By Lothar Galow-Bergemann and Ernst Lohoff Excerpt from a text in the book Shutdown. Klima, Corona und der notwendige Ausstieg aus dem Kapitalismus ISBN 978-3-89771-292-8, Unrast Verlag, \u2026 Weiterlesen \u2192<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":928,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[2525,1615,2553,2657,2526,2521,1099,2579,2527,2522,2528,2543,1819,2529,2524],"class_list":["post-57830","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-syndicated","tag-alternativen","tag-arbeit","tag-demokratie","tag-english","tag-gewerkschaften","tag-kapital-und-krise","tag-kapitalismus","tag-karl-marx","tag-krise","tag-lothar-galow-bergemann","tag-oekologie","tag-patriarchat-kollektivismus-individuum","tag-politik","tag-reflektierter-antikapitalismus","tag-soziale-bewegungen"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/57830","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/928"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=57830"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/57830\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":57831,"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/57830\/revisions\/57831"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=57830"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=57830"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/meta.copyriot.com\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=57830"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}